Centripetal and Centrifugal Forces, Masses’ Endless Quest For Social Justice: A Review of Iná Ràn by Adéṣọlá

Adégúnlẹ̀, O. Olúgbàmílà

College of Languages and Communication Arts Education, Department of Nigerian Languages Education, Lagos State University of Education

Accepted 20, June, 2025

In every society, there have always been frictions between the owners of means of production and those whose sweats oil the economy of the society in question. Oftentimes, this friction borders on class struggle for economic and political control, leading to chaos or revolution. A perfect specimen to illustrate this scenario is Iná Ràn, a play by veteran scholar and playwright –Adéṣọlá Ọlátẹ́jú. Literary critics have studied Iná Ràn, albeit with scanty attention given to the concept of social justice. This study therefore highlights the never-ending faceoff between the leader and the led, hinging on the desire for an egalitarian society that thrives on fair distribution of resources to all. Further, it underpins the concept of social justice as propounded by Karl Marx (1818-1883) a foremost political activist cum philosopher who proposes a Theory of Socialism with the aim of finding lasting solutions into this development. In Iná Ràn, Olateju advocates Marx’s revolutions as a tool for attaining social justice amid societal imbalance. Data for this study were extrapolated from Iná Ràn. This study adopts qualitative research, with focus on close reading and content analysis methods, to justify Marx’s proposition, which, according to him, is pervasive in virtually all societies. In the end, this work reveals the possibility of constant showdowns between the authorities and labour, until the latter eventually prevails, leading into the birth of socialism and then communism.

Keywords: Social justice, Iná Ràn, Socialism, Karl Marx, Revolution.

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INTRODUCTION

Social justice is the fair and equitable distribution of resources, opportunities and privileges within a particular society to ensure that all individuals and associations have a stake to basic necessities upon which there is no ceiling to their ability to excel. It opens up windows of opportunities for all, especially the vulnerable. It is anchored on anxieties on a fair distribution of which the goods and the burdens arising from collective life are shared amongst members of society. Social justice includes elements such as social belonging, trust, justice and equality ((Deranty, 2016; Bulut, et al, 2017).

Miller (1976, 20); and Rawls, (1999, 4(; underscore a ‘just distribution of society’ as the fulcrum of social justice, likening it to a scenario in which each individual enjoys adequate repartition of benefits and burdens arising from social cooperation. Once fully maintained, a system of social justice automatically reduces disparities, enhances empowerment of vulnerable communities, as well as fosters an environment where diversity is celebrated. This, ultimately contributes to a more harmonious and stable social order.

Social justice is as old as the beginning of creation. In the Holy Bible, God commissioned Moses and laid in his hands a great task to lead the Israelites out of their slavery in Egypt (Exodus 3; 9-15). This simply means God acknowledged the suffering of Israelites, as well as the need to emancipate them from their oppressors.

Social Justice can be triggered by a number of factors such as political oppression, economic inequality, social and ethnic discrimination, unemployment, and political corruption, among others.

The concept of social justice is universal (Adorno 2006; Arendt 2018; Bottom ore 2003; De Dijn 2020; Sachs, 1992). For instance, there is the American Revolution (wikipedia.org); French Revolution (Youvan, 2025; Milanovic, 2023); National Revolution Movement in the Philippines (Malabed: 2006: 43-45); and Greek Revolution (Arendt,1977; Brinton; 1938; Kim, 1991), to mention but a few.

Karl Marx and his ally Frederick Engels remain one of the foremost proponents of the Theory of Social Revolutions. Marx and Engel’s Theory were propounded between 1818-1833, and1820-1895, respectively. Marx was a philosopher cum humanist who was deeply hurt by the exploitation the working class experienced under capitalism. Capitalism represents

a mode of production, in which capital in its different forms like money, resources, purchasing power, stocks of good etc. is fundamental for production. Capitalism creates two classes in society- the wealthy class or the bourgeoisie and labor class or the proletariat (Kulkarm: 2024). Meanwhile, Marx is stoutly opposed to capitalism. His inclination therefore led him to propose a revolution that would overturn the manipulative economic system, to a rather fluid version which would lead to creation of more human socialist society.

Marx’s philosophy is hinged on social and economic freedoms. However, this freedom, argues Marx, does not come on a silver platter. Substantiating Marx’s philosophy, Kant (2017); Szell (2025);and Fücks and Manthe (2022, p.10) postulate that freedom though means having the choice between different alternatives, yet does not come for free as it must be won and defended again and again.Marx proposes that under capitalism, workers’ existence is as good as the existence of every other commodity. This simply means living is attached a little value just as mere commodity. Jones; 2023: recaptures Marx’s thought that in such circumstance, the needs of man and even his animals cease to exist, a development that limits human beings to fulfilling his needs.

Interestingly, from the 15th century that Marx and his protégé Hegel, made this proposition, it has remained potent to date, and Nigeria is no exception. For example, from pre-independence to post-independence Nigeria, there have always been a cat and dog relationship between the authorities and labour. This faceoff has progressively led to the latter being engaged in industrial action, partial or total strike, protests or even a revolution that often get bloody leading to loss of lives and property(Egbunike, 2021; Orojide-Isola, 2008; Ijioma, 2021; Obadare, 2021; Akinyetun, 2021).

Iná Ràn by Adéṣọlạ́ Ọlátẹ́jú comes handy in this discourse. Itis the tale of man’s inhumanity to man! It is the story of ruthlessness and covetousness of those who hold the levers of power and the exploitation of same against those who work to earn a decent living under same establishment. This situation often leads to altercations between the two parties which Marx christens the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Marx defines thebourgeoisie as the social class that controls the political and economic circuits, while the proletariat is the social class having no significant ownership of the means of production (factories, mines, building, vehicles) and whose only means of subsistence is to sell their labour for a wage or salary (www.wikipedia.com).

AIMS AND OBJECTIVES

This study aims to investigate the concept of social justice through the lens of Karl Marx’s ideology of class struggle, historical materialism, and critique of capitalism, with a focus on economic inequality and systemic oppression in contemporary society, using Iná Ràn as a reference. In light of the foregoing, our objectives are to:

explore Karl Marx’s theoretical framework on class struggle and its appropriateness to modern social justice issues.
x-ray Marx’s proposition as regards the link between capitalism, economic inequality, and social injustice as reflected in Iná R̀an.
Explore Marx’s appraisal of exploitation of vulnerable groups in contemporary socio-economic structure using Iná Ràn as a specimen.
Gauge those whose view contrast with Marxist orientation in relation with respect to social justice and recommend possible reconciliations.

Synopsis of Iná Ràn

The continued imposition of obnoxious taxes and levies on the dwellers of Ọ̀bọdà community are the cause for a showdown between them and government. Ọ̀bọdà, comprising mostly peasant farmers have been perennially subjected to a life of servitude by the authorities, and the recent jerk in levies of shops owned by market women as well as farm produce by Bínúkonú – the farmers association – became another bone of contention. In the face of their helplessness, the farmers sent two representatives – Aníṣẹ́ẹ́rẹ́ leader of Bínúkonú, and another member – Àjàlá, to Ajẹ́lẹ̀, head of government, apparently to persuade him to withdraw the twin taxes on account of the prevailing hardship their kinsmen are going through. However, their plea fell on deaf ears.

While the task force officers were torturing some tax defaulters in Ọ̀bọdà, one of them – Lamidi, suddenly slumps and dies on the spot, a development that prods the villagers to war. The showdown spirals out of control, with death, injuries and destruction of property recoded by both flanks. Eventually, the farmers association prevails as government settles for a compromise.

Shortly after, Aníṣẹ́ẹ́rẹ́ marries Mopé, a young and beautiful lady who eventually becomes his third wife and favourite. Mope persuades Aníṣẹ́ẹ́rẹ́ to relocate from Ọ̀bọdà village to town, abandoning his two senior wives. Unknown to him, Mopéis a police officer sent to bait him and reveal hissource of metaphysical powers. Aníṣẹ́ẹ́rẹ́ was soon apprehended through the help of Mope and remanded in prison. After two months in custody, the government announces Aníṣẹ́ẹ́rẹ́ release, striking out allegations of unlawful gathering and treasons against him. Further, government nullifies new taxes and rates earlier imposed on Ọ̀bọdà and the adjoining communities, and also directed certain new infrastructures in Ọ̀bọdà in line with the masses’ yearning.

METHODOLOGY

This study adopts qualitative research, using close reading and content analysis methods. Close reading is a method of analysing a text by carefully examining its specific details, language and structure to understand its meaning and how it impacts to the larger work of argument Baki (2024); Panjumi and Hartati (2018). On the other hand, content analysis is used to systematically analyse the content of various forms of communication including text, images, or audiovisuals. Content analysist also allows researchers to make inferences about the characteristics of the content, the sender, the receiver, and even the context in which the communication occurs (Ghele and Jacobs, 2017). White and Marsh (2006) consider content analysis method as applicable inqualitative, quantitative, and sometimes mixed modes of research

frameworks as it adopts an array of logical techniques to engender findings which are then placed in proper context for intensive examination.

Data (contents) for this study were gathered from the work being reviewed. However, specific texts were paid strict attention to in order to justify the usage of Marxist Theory.The texts in question were first highlighted in Yoruba and Marx insists the proletariat must undertake ahead of attaining social justice.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Astute disciples of Karl Marx’s Theory like Claudwell (1937); have further extended this theory in x-raying literary works simply because of its ability to explain obsession for political and economic powers by the ruling elite, and what the working classmust do to wriggle out of their predicament.

As stated earlier, Marx believes that capitalism is a volatile economic system that will suffer a series of ever-worsening crises – recessions and depressions – that will produce greater unemployment, lower wages, and increasing misery among the industrial proletariat. These crises, according to Marx, will convince the proletariat that its interests as a class are implacably opposed to those of the ruling bourgeoisie. Armed with revolutionary class consciousness, the proletariat will seize the major means of production along with the institutions of state power – police, courts, prisons, and so on – and establish a socialist state that Marx called “the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat. Thus proletariat will rule in its own class interest, as the bourgeoisie did before, so as to prevent a counterrevolution by the displaced bourgeoisie. Once this threat disappears, however, the need for the state will also disappear. Thus, the interim state will wither away and be replaced by a classless communist society (Ball and Dagger: 2025; Jones:2023).

Critics of Marx’s Literary Criticism

The trio of Wicksteed (1884); Batra (1978); and Johnson (1988) all flawed Marx’s Theory of Social Revolution.For instance, while Johnson argues that Marx’s advocacy for cruel rebellions have often resulted in autocratic regimes, he added that Marx’s historical materialism is almost completely alien from empirical realities. Batra, in his work, The Downfall of Capitalism cited the collapse of the United Soviet Republic (USSR), a once communist regime, to deflate Marx’s contention of a communist state. Further, Batra asserts that social evolution is determined by factors such as intellect, capital accumulation and physical prowess contrary to Marx’s contention of class struggle. Wicksteed equally contests Marx’s theory of value, saying it disregards individual penchants of consumers as well as the fringe utility of good. According to Wicksteed, value is not exclusively determined by labour input but also through market demand.

Rosen (1998), argues that Marx envisage of equal rights and labours collective ownership of means of production following a communist state, is indeed in sharp contrast with the natural inequalities of human being. He further argues that what is generally referred to as exploitation particularly in capitalism is not expressly an exploitation considering the fact that both the ruling class labour have a mutual compromise in which the former applies no force, while the latter has come to accept the bargain rather philosophically.

Although the exploiting classes have special access to the means of violence, exploitation is not generally a matter of the use of force. In capitalism, for example, exploitation flows from the way in which the means of production are owned privately and labour is bought and sold just like any other commodity. That such arrangements are accepted without the need for coercion, reflects the fact that the ruling class exercises a special influence over ideas in society. It controls the ideology accepted by the members of society in general.

Gramsci (1891-1937) in Kulkarni (2024:17), pitches his tent with Rosen by describing the mutual relationship Rosen expressed as merely a blending of force generated by the bourgeoise class, occasioned by consent and converted to coercion.

Gramci, one of those who set aside traditional Marxist framework in Europe in the early 20th proposes the concept of hegemony, a strategy which ‘uses assumptions, values, and meanings that shape meaning and define reality for the majority of people in a given society.”

In simple terms, political force in the hands of the ruling class bring out the consent of the intellectuals and the consent of the masses and imposes certain rules, regulations, ideas over the society through which it tries to earn the benefits or ensure its rule. Gramsci argues that by using hegemonic strategies, the bourgeoisie actually control the economic base and also superstructure including music, literature, and art.

George Lukacs (1885-1971) another western critics of Marx Theory, came up with the concept of Vulgar Marxism that believes in a one-way relationship between base and superstructure. Lucaks condemned any attempt to separate history and society from literature. His approach of literary analysis stresses that text is a direct replication of social perception which aims to reveal the downside impact of capitalism such as hostility and disintegration.

Marx’s Path To Freedom

Adéṣànyà (2008:152) re-emphasised the five paths as espoused by Marx which the proletariat must tread to overcome

oppression. They are: self-consciousness, determination, concerted effort; disobedience to authorities, and conflict (Oròjídé-Ìṣọ̀lá, 2008); Madam Ẹfúnróyè Tinúbú (2023)

Self-Consciousness

The concept of self-realisation was first initiated by Hegel before it was later modified by Marx who defines it as the ‘self-realisation’ of the proletariat; the very awareness that they are in servitude, and that their predicaments need to be altered for a better, albeit an egalitarian society. And until this is attained, Marx believes the path to self-emancipation might remain an illusion.

After years of undue exploitation by the authorities, reality eventually dawn on the villagers of Ọ̀bọdà, following the introduction of two new taxes and levies imposed on them by the authorities. Representatives of the four settlements in Ọ̀bodà that made up Bínúkonú, the farmers associations, held an emergency meeting supposedly to draw attention to their predicament.

Làísì: “…Ojú wá ń rí màbo. Láìpẹ́ yìí ni ìjọba kéde lóríi rédíò pé owó-orí ti lé síi. Báka náà ni wọ́n ní a ó máa sanwó igbá, sanwó àwo. Kódà wọ́n fẹ́ẹ̀ lè sọ pé ká máa sanwó afẹ́fẹ́ tí à ń mí símú…”

Áámúsà: … Gẹ́gẹ́ bí Làísì ṣe sọ, pípéjọ wa kì í ṣe lásán. Tó bá ṣe pé ká máa sọ nípa ti ìṣòro o wa ni, mélòó la ó kà nínú eyín Adépèlé?… Bí a kò bá rin mẹ́ẹ̀lì bíi mẹ́rinsí márùn-ún, a kò lè rí ọkọ̀ wọ̀ wá sí Ìbàdàn. Níbití ọ̀nà wa burú dé, bí oyún kò bá dúró dáadáa níkùn tẹ́lẹ̀, kíá ni yóò wá sílẹ̀. Ẹsẹ̀ yá ju mọ́tò ló ni ọ̀nà ohun…

Àrẹ̀mú: …Ìyà tí ń jẹ́ ọmọ fún ogún ọ̣dún, ìyà tí ń jẹ́ ọmọ fún ọgbọ̀n oṣù, bí kò bá pa ọmọ, ó ní láti sìn lẹ́yìn ọmọ ni…Wọ́n ní kí n tún sọ pe: òòṣá bó ò le gbè mí, ṣemí bó o ṣebá mi. Tí kò bá sí àǹfààní kankan láti ọ̀dọ̀ ìjọba, tí kò sì sí ìrànwọ́ kankan tí ìjọba lè ṣe fúnni, èwo tún ni ogun akọ́dà agbàwée-orí tí kò jẹ́ ká rí imú mí?

(Olátẹ́jú 2009:29-39.)

Làísì: We are going through a hell of a time. Not quite long, the government announced on the radio a raise in taxes. Similarly, it introduced all manner of taxes. They are now almost at the point of taxing us for the air we breathe.

Áámúsà: As Làísì stated earlier, our gathering here is not fort banters. Should we choose to discuss our individual challenges, we will run out of time… If we cannot trek between three to four miles, we will not get to the park where we can get a bus to convey us to Ìbàdàn. The despicable state of the road could make a pregnant woman suffer a miscarriage. The road is no less a death trap.

Àrẹ̀mú: when a man has suffered for years amid perseverance, one day he will come out of it unscathed. I was also asked to say (to the authorities) that if they cannot improve our lot, they should simply allow us be. If there is nothing we are profiting from government, and yet the authorities had looked the other way as regards our plight, why imposing tax collectors that are now making life harder for us?

Determination

Marx postulates that the self-consciousness of the proletariats is the tonic that would spur them into determination. Graham in Adesanya 2008: 134-135) hypothesises Marx’s assertion that for a society to transit from serfdom to freedom, there must be certain precondition one of which is a determined working class which would automatically spur their courage to challenge the status quo.

Làísì: A kò lè sọpé torí ká má baà pẹ́, ká padà lọ́nà. Bí apá kò bá ṣe é sánmọ́, a kì í wá ká a lérí? Mo sọ tẹ́lẹ̀ níjọ́ọ́-nìhín-ín pé ká fà á já. Taa ni Ajẹ́lẹ̀ ọ̀hun? Kí òjò pa bàtà tòun tijanwọnjanwọn etí ẹ̀. Kẹ́wọ̀n ó já, kẹ́wọ̀n ó so, ká wo ẹni egele máa gbé. Àní ká jẹ́ kójò ó pa ewé kókò. Bó bá lè ya kó ya. Àbí ẹ̀rụ̀ ìjà ń bà yín ni? (o.i.59).

Áámúsà: Ẹ̀ru ìjà wẹ̀? Tó bá dọ̀rọ̀ ìjà tán, ìwájú lẹ́ ó bá èmi ọmọ Amú-bíi-kán-un. Àdúrà tèmi ni pé iná tí ìjọba ń dá báyìí, Ọlọ́run yóò jẹ́ kí o ràn. Mo fẹ́ kẹ́ṣù taposí i ká lè ríran wò (o.i.59).

Làísì: Kín-ni alága ń wí tí kò dùn yí? Bí a wí èyí – sùúrù. Bí a wí tọ̀hún – sùúrù. Bí èèyàn tilẹ̀ ń jẹ́ Súàrá, Sùráájú, ìwọ̀n ni yóò ṣe sùẹ̀sùẹ̀ mọ. Bí tàlùbọ́ bá fẹ́ kó sí èèyàn lójú, èèyàn a máa gbójú ọhún sá díẹ̀. Pàá lẹ́ẹ̀kínní, pàá lẹ́ẹ̀kejì, bí ojú náà kò bá fọ́, ràbàràbà yóò bá a (o.i.60).

Làísì: We must not act foolish over a matter that requires some urgency. If we cannot reach a compromise, let’s seek violence instead. I suggested the other day that we should go tough. Who is this Ajele of a man? Let him and his lieutenants rot in hell. Let’s spark the fire and see who blinks first. I suggest we approach this matter with utmost violence. Or are you all afraid to go to war?

Áámúsà: Afraid of war? When it comes to battle, I will be happy to lead, I, scion of Amú-bíi-káun-un. My wish is that this trouble being instigated by government turns out a raging fire. I personally want the crisis to spiral out of control.

Làísì: Why is alága sounding in this manner? We brought this idea, you suggested caution. We brought another, yet same response. Even if we have chosen restraint, that should not make us look foolish. One must try to nip an imminent crisis in the bud. A consistent attacks on one’s eye could leave the victim partially or totally blind.

Concerted Effort

With an already determined workers, Marx proposes a concerted effort among them to be able to succeed. Nevertheless, he suggests such a planned uprising must be methodical and strategic, as the ruling class is imbued with enough resources for counterattack, ultimately to prevent the birth of socialism.

In the work under review, the farmers of Ọbọ́dà all agreed to put a stop to the capitalist structure of the authorities by coming out enmasse. While set for battle, they also sought how members could fortify themselves via metaphysical means.

Làísì: Ẹ gbọ́, ká tó máa lọ. Èèyàn tí kò ní òkígbẹ́ kìí ṣe àyà tàǹdì sí aládàá. Ẹni tí kò ní àyìndomi àti aatọtadànù kìí fojú di ìbọ nìlasa. Ohunkohun tí ẹ bá ní, ẹ fún ara a yín. Ẹ fúnra a yín lókìígbẹ́, ẹ fúnra a yín ní àlùwó, ayẹta àti àfẹ́ẹ̀rí. Kí ẹ fi agbára kún agbára (o.i.68-69)

Aníṣẹ́ẹ́rẹ́: Ẹ gba obì yìí, ẹgé e wẹ́lẹwẹ̀lẹ, kí ẹ fúnra a yín. Àfẹ́ẹ̀rí nù-un, ẹ tọ́jú ẹ̀. Bí ẹ bá fẹ́ ẹ́ lò ó, ẹ o fí há ẹnu yín, ẹ ó sì ká ẹsẹ̀ kanrọ̀. Bí òru bí òru níí ṣe aláṣọdúdú, sùgbọ́n tí ẹ bá ti ká ẹsẹ̀ sílẹ̀, dandan ni kí wọ́n ríi yín. (o.i 69)

Àníṣẹ́ẹ́rẹ́ …Iwájú ni n ó wà. Àwọn ọmọ-ogun ó tẹ̀lẹ́ mi. Kí Làísì wà lápá ọ̀tún. Kí Ámúsà wà ní tòsì. Àwọn onílù yóò wà lẹ́yìn. Kí Àjàlá àti Àrẹ̀mú dúró tì wọn níbẹ̀ (o.i.69)

Làísì: Listen, before we proceed, a warrior without protective charms does not dare an armed enemy. Those of you who have not yet fortified yourselves to prevent gun from clicking or gunshots from penetrating you, dare not confront trigger-happy opponents. Whatever (charm) you feel you can share with fellow fighters, please do; the one that can repel knife from penetrating, make enemies slump in battle, repel bullets, or make you to suddenly disappear before your attackers. You all need to be fortified.

Aníṣẹ́ẹ́rẹ́: Take this kolanut, split into tiny bits and share. It is capable of making you disappear in battle. Whenever its need arises, simply hold it in between your lips, and raise one of your legs. Whatever is tucked in the dark remains invincible, but once your raised leg touches the ground, you become noticeable again.

Aníṣẹ́ẹ́rẹ́: I will lead the battle. The soldiers right behind me. Làísí should be positioned to my right. Ámúsà to the left. The drummers should stay at the rear. Àjàlá and Àrẹ̀mú should keep their company.

(IV) Disobedience to Authorities

This is the fourth step Marx proposes. In contemporary Nigeria, trade unions organisations carry out protest in defiance to government warning. This may come in form of work-to-rule, sit at home, or total paralysis of activities Adesanya (2008:159; Àkànmú 2018). In the work under review, the farmers registered their grievances through protest songs that showed openly a disobedience to the authorities.

Àwa ò sanwó orí mọ́

À ò sanwó orí mọ́

Bí ò gba kùmọ̀, yóò gba kóńdó

A ò sanwó orí mọ́

A ó sọra wa lóògùn

A ó sọ́ra wa lóògùn

Ká tóó lè gbara wa lọ́ ọ yín

A ósọra wa lóògùn (o.i.71)

We are no more not paying taxes

We shall no longer pay taxes

We are ready for war or confrontation

We shall no longer pat taxes

We will attack ourselves with charms

Before we secure our freedom off your grip

We will attack ourselves with charms

(v) Conflict

This is the last lap which results in confrontations between the capitalists and labour. Something noteworthy about this is the fact that the hostility usually turns bloody, culminating into injury, loss of lives and sometimes personal effect. Lenin in Adesanya (2008:160) recalls the Great Patriotic War’ of the community party of the former Soviet Union, capturing the scenario thus:

…oppressor and the oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended either in a revolutionary reconstitution of the society at large, or in a common ruin of the contending classes.

In Iná Ràn, it was the death of Lamidi in the hands of government’s appointed tax collectors (pp: 53-54) that drew the first blood. Afterwards, the sudden arrest and incarceration of some members of the farmers association in Ọ̀bọdà (pp:65-66), on the instruction of government, was the last straw that broke the camel’s back. Irked by the authorities’ action, members of Bínúkonú regrouped for war. They took their protest to the seat of government in Agodi, only to be confronted by a team of mobile police, led by their leader who engaged Aníṣẹ́ẹ́rẹ́ in a clash but died in the process. Eventually, the protesters thenforced their way into the prison and released their members.

Aníṣẹ́ẹ́rẹ́: …A fẹ́rí àwọn èèyan wa tí ẹ tìmọ́lé. A fẹ́ ẹ́ tú wọn sílẹ̀ (o.i.76).

Ọ̀gá Ọlọ́pàá: Wọn kò sí níbí. Tí ẹ kò bá fẹ́ wàhálà, ẹ padà sí ibi tí ẹ ti ń bọ̀ wọ́ọ́rọ́wọ́ (o.i.77).

Áámúsà: Ọgbà ẹ̀wọ̀n kò pé méjì ní Ìbàdàn yìí. Agodi yìí ní kànni (o.i.77)

Ọ̀gá Ọlọ́pàá: Ṣé iwọ̀ ni Aníṣẹ́ẹ́rẹ́? Ìwọ ló ń da ìgboro rú? Àwa kò bá ti ìjà wá. Ààbò ẹ̀mí àwọn ará ìlú la wà fún. Àwọn èèyàn tó kú ní Màpó ti tó, a kò fẹ́ irú ẹ̀ mọ́ (o.i.77).

Laisi: Ẹ o fẹ kinni mọ? Gbogbo wa pata la ṣetan iku bi ẹ ko ba tu awọn eeyan wa silẹ. (o.i. 77)

Aníṣẹ́ẹ́rẹ́: …We want to see our detained colleagues. We want them freed.

Commissioner of Police: They are not here. If you don’t want trouble, kindly leave.

Áámúsà: We don’t have two prison facilities in this Ìbàdàn. Agodi prison is the only one.

Commissioner of Police: Are you not Aníṣẹ́ẹ́rẹ́? The notorious one causing trouble all over the place? We are not here for trouble but security of lives. We have lost many innocent souls in Màpó. Enough is enough.

Làísì: You say that again! We are all ready to lay down our lives unless you let go our colleagues.

Social Revolution – Africa as a Case in Point

In Africa, incidences of pseudo-Marxist political parties are not alien. Through the length and breadth of pre-independence Africa, associations geared towards freedom and social justice sprang, apparently to agitate independence and the sovereignty of their society. For instance, the earliest attempts at forming what could be considered Marxist parties in pre-independence Nigeria were in 1945. These were the Talakawa Party by Amanke Okafor and the Nigerian National Socialist Party of Fọlá Arógundádé (Aye and Mayer, 2024: 5).

According to Aye and Mayer (2024:97)the records of what could be considered the first organisation known to have had an interest in trade union activities in the country began in that period, and launching an industrial dispute with the colonial masters. Quoting one of the existing newspaper tabloids at the time – Lagos Times – of 8 August 1883, Ayer and Mayer state thus:

The 9-1 August 1897 strike of artisan workmen in the Public Works Department in Lagos is the first recorded industrial action by salaried workers. The department’s workers stood firm against the autocratic disposition of the governor, Mr. McCallum, even with the threat of dismissal, resisting arbitrary changes in working time. They won; the government was forced to negotiate.

In Congo-Brazzaville, a social revolution by workers led to the ouster of its first president Fulbert Youlou, culminating in the establishment of a second republic that soon adopted a programme of ‘scientific socialism’. Until the independence of Angola in 1975, Congo remained the only socialist regime in Central Africa region, a rare reputation that made its 850,000 population at the time a rallying point for several African liberation movements. (Kiriakou and Swagler, 2024: 158).

Similarly, in the pre-independence Senegal, various left-wing movements made creativity a key instrument of political awareness-raising and mobilisation, particularly in the fields of art and literature, against the establishment. Bianchini et al, (2024:22) reflected on the aftermath of the Second World War, which, by then, had rocked the country’s foundations of the colonial edifice, and giving rise to agitations for freedom, social justice, and international sovereignty. Works of Guinean KeïtaFodéba, a schoolteacher who was also obsessed with music and writing of plays became a confluence between political action and artistic creation. Eventually, messages contained in his Théâtre africain, which echoed his convictions as a member of the Rassemblement démocratique africain (RDA, African Democratic Rally), irked the colonial administration, which promptly prohibited the performance of his play Aube africaine (‘African Dawn’) throughout the French West African territory. In similar fashion, ThiernoBâ, another young Senegalese, political activist, playwright and a members of the Union démocratiquesénégalaise (Senegalese Democratic Union), the Bloc populairesénégalais (Senegalese Popular Bloc) and later the Parti du regroupementafricain-Sénégal (PRASénégal, African Regroupment Party-Senegal), who advocated immediate independence in 1958, also had his works banned. His poem: Moomsaréew, a call to fight for independence written during this period, was adopted by the Parti africain de l’indépendance (PAI, African Independence Party) a Marxist political party created in 1957, and used as the lyrics of its anthem.

Social Revolution in Yorùbá Society

In Ṣaworo Idẹ, Lápitẹ́, though a blue blood, worked his way to becoming the king of Jogbo by circumventing the agelong ritual that only allows his predecessors to live a modest life at the expense of the fortune Jogbo kingdom enjoys.

His knack for greed and desperation for quick riches soon pitched him against the masses who suddenly realised the prosperous life they once enjoyed is being supplanted by the ostentatious life of Lápitẹ́ and some of his palace chiefs led by Balogun and Séríkí, with whom they hijacked the gains of the forestry merchandise which was a major economic bulwark of the Jogbo kingdom. This scenario later triggered a social revolution by Àgékù and Emáyà, both leaders of two youths associations in Jogbo that invaded the palace and made away with the traditional Adé Idẹ – the beaded crown.

Afraid of the dire repercussion Adé Idẹ could have on him, if not returned to the palace within fifteen days, Lápitẹ́ sought the services of Làgàta, a mercenary and retired military officer to help him retrieve the beaded crown before the deadline. Unknown to Lápitẹ́, Làgàta had an ulterior motive

Làgàta eventually retrieved Adé-Idẹ to the excitement of Lápitẹ́who had organised a grand reception where he would don the crown in the open as a symbol of authority of the Oníjogbo. To Lápitẹ’s shock, Làgàta commanded him to put the beaded crown on his head. Lápitẹ́ stoutly declines! Pandemonium eruptsand in the process,Làgàta shoots Lápitẹ́ dead, taking his positionas the new Oníjogbo.

Meanwhile, Àgékù and Ẹmáyà continued their guerillawar. Nemesis soon caught up with Lagata who announced his intention to don the Adé-Ide without engaging in the traditional ritual that connects the beaded crown, talking drum

(Ṣaworo-Idẹ), and the throne of Jogbo.On the said day, Làgàta audaciously wears the Adé-Idẹ but the sudden sound of Ṣaworo-Idẹ brought untold pain into the head of Làgàta who immediately slumps and freezes to death. The youths who had surreptitiously merged into the crowd unleashed their weapon in a final revolution that led to an abrupt end of Làgàta’s reign, as well as the enthronement of a new king, albet for a new dispensation.

In Líṣàbí – The Uprising, the people of Ẹ̀gbá are frustrated of the constant abuse and exploitation of the Ìlàrí – a paramilitary body that collects Ìṣákọ́lẹ̀ (farm produce and valuables) on behalf of the Alaafin of Ọ̀yọ́. So powerful and ruthless are the Ìlàrí that they often take laws into their hands, raping, and exploiting their subjects at will. Líṣàbí, a young successful farmer of Ẹ̀gbá extraction is buoyed to challenge the excesses of the Ìlọ̀rí following the murder of his bosom friend – Ṣókẹ́nù – and the abuse of his (Sọ́kẹ́nù) new bride -Àbẹ̀bí on their wedding day by Ṣàngódèyí, the head of the Ìlòrí. Armed with metaphysical powers, Líṣàbí mobilises young farmers like him, leading them to war against the Ìlàrí as a means of putting paid to the almost endless abuse by their captors. In the end, Ṣàngódèyí is killed alongside many of his lieutenants who either got killed or fled.

In Funmilayo Ransome-Kútì, it is the introduction of flat tax, a raise in water rate, as well as the payment of salaries of the Pàràkọ̀yí – a paramilitary body that collects taxes on behalf of the Aláké of Ẹgbáland, that triggered an uprising by the Egba market women.

Having returned from the United Kingdom after her education, Fúnmiláyọ̀ Ransome-Kútì sees the exploitation of her kinsmen. She tried to mediate by visiting Mr Dundee who superintends the District Colonial Office on behalf of the Queen of England. Nonetheless, her appeal was rebuffed. Even her visit to the palace of the Aláké of Ẹ̀gbáland could achieve little to nothing having understood that the British operates indirect rule, while taxes are being collected through the Aláké’s palace. Eventually, she summons a meeting of Abẹ́òkúta Ladies Club comprising socialites and educated ladies in Abẹ́òkúta. She enjoins them to dissolve the body in lieu of Abẹ́òkúta Women Union, a new body that would accommodate more female locals across Abẹ́òkúta and its adjoining towns.

Like an army, Abẹ́òkúta Women Union, storms Aláké’s palace singing protest songs and waving placards and tree branches. Even the invasion of their protest by Ògbóni cult (which was a taboo for women to see) could not deter the protesters who also neutralised them by the presence of the bare-chested matriarchs.

Despite many of the protesters being molested and detained by the Pàràkòyí on the order of Aláké, the demonstrators stand their ground. Led by Ransome-Kútì, the protesters regrouped in large number, stormed the palace, seized Alákés’s crown and staff of office and forced the monarch and his chiefs out of the palace. Eventually, the Abẹ́òkúta Women Union won the war and Fúnmiláyọ̀ Ransome-Kutì, alongside three others were reconstituted into Abẹ́òkúta Native Council– the highest decision-making body for the people of Egba.

Social Revolution as Planned or Spontaneous

Social revolution could either be planned or spontaneous. Examples of planned social unrest are in Líṣ̣àbí Agbòǹgbò Àkàlà and Madam Ẹfúnróyè Tinúbú where the oppressed clandestinely mapped out strategies before launching them. Spontaneous social revolution, as its name goes, is suddenly triggered by certain sociological and psychological reactions. Example was the #EndSARS protest in the late 2020, elicited by the anger of Nigerian youths against police brutality by the Special Anti-Robbery Squad – a unit of the Nigerian police accused of extrajudicial killings, intimidation and human rights abuses. Majority of aggrieved youths that featured in the protest never met themselves prior to the revolution; but were able to leverage on the power of social media to aggregate their demands (Egbunike, 2021; Ijioma, 2021; Ọbádáré, 2021;Akínyẹtun, 2021)

Songs as a Vehicle for Social Mobilisation

Macmillan English Dictionary for Advanced Learners (2002/2009) defines song as “a piece of music with words that you sing”. Similarly, Akanmu (2018) defines song as a “universal phenomenon and significant aspect of Yorùbá literature usually constructed systematically using words that reflect either negative or positive linguistic connotation.”

Many Yoruba scholars have adduced various definition to songs. They include:Beier (1950); Ọlátúnjí (1984); Ògúnlọlá (2025); Olúkojú (1994); Akínlàdé (1985); Àlàbí (2007); Owólabí (1988), Onàdípẹ̀ (2020); and Adégúnlẹ̀, (2021). They postulate to the power of songs as a universal phenomenon on one hand, as well as an expression of thoughts, emotions, and ideas among culture, nationality and age groups, on the other.

Ògúnlọlá, (2013), Adélabú and Ayọ̀-Òbírèmí; 2024) assert that song is an aspect of the Yorùbá oral literature, very easy to master, spread and remember. It is hereditary and we come across it in all our daily activitiesSome other scholars are of the view that song is self-creative, ingenious, melodious, and belong to a subcategory of oral Yorùbá poetry distinguished by its musical mode of rendition different from the recitative mode, and can be used for national development (Bọ́lárìnwá 2016; Ọláníyan 2004; Ajíbádé 2011; Èésúolá 2012 and Orímóògùnjẹ́ 2014).

PROTEST SONGS AS ADVOCACY TOOL OF REVOLUTION

Clough, in his article: “Introduction: Cultures of Protest in American Music’ asserts that music and protest are like a Siamese twins. He says:

Music in its broadest sense has served, across centuries and cultures and in a recurrent manner, as a source of revolutionary inspiration; as an expression of self-identity and collective power, especially for culturally, politically, and racially marginalised groups; as an insistent voice of resistance against dominant narratives and agendas. Music has been a vital vehicle in the pursuit of positive social change, of expression for the disenfranchised, of resistance or self-determination in the face of forces of oppression or assimilation.

Protest song is not synonymous to Yoruba people alone, they are universal and evolve where governance is inviolable, but maladministration prevails (Oròjídé-Ìṣọ̀lá, 2008: 67-68;70; 185-186;192. Fátùrótì, 2007, 20-21; 61; 98-99).

In this part of the world, protest songs are ubiquitous among trade unions, pressure and religious groups, and civil societies. Such songs are often deployed by workers to register their grievances as regards certain loathsome policies from the authorities that affect their members. This sentiment is equally in sync with Dillane, Power, Haynes, and Devereux (2018) that songs of social protest seek to draw attention to an issue that needs redress, which ultimately challenges the status quo’ (2018:3). Olaniyan (2004: 5-6) argues that protest song has potentiality for developing consciousness among theoppressed group of a particular country, while on the other hand, for the group indominance, it is an extra tool for concretising hegemony. Nonetheless, Àkànmú (2018:18) warns that certain protest song are not corrective measures as they fail to express concerns of the individual or groups but are dangerous and susceptible to disruption of peace and stability of any society, especially those imbued with negative use of language that is tantamount to hate expression…”

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